Category: Community

  • Today is a good day to stand together against all forms of oppression

    Today is a good day to stand together against all forms of oppression

    The new coalition government is in place, and one thing is clear: a campaign is being waged against those who are already on the margins of society. Cuts are being made to those who have no lobby. Promises are being made that most people in this country will be better off if human rights no longer apply to everyone. The old principle of „divide and rule“: drive a wedge between neighbours, tear families apart, make selfless friendships impossible. Once everyone is fighting only for themselves, the rights of individual groups can be gradually eroded.

    As a queer community, it is therefore incredibly important that we realise, now more than ever, that true self-determination for everyone can only exist when no one is being oppressed. 1 May is just as much „our“ demonstration as explicitly queer Pride events. Everything is interconnected.

    Workers’ strike against the system

    We know a thing or two about strikes; we challenge society’s expectations of our sexualities and genders. To be political, being queer must be understood as a strike against patriarchy. We are walking off the job in this system, which divides people into two genders, recognises only nuclear families and oppresses women. Yet patriarchy is not the only enemy of queer freedom. Self-determination for everyone – and therefore for all queer people too – can only exist without what bell hooks so aptly describes as the various interlinked mechanisms of power and oppression: „Imperialist White Supremacist Capitalist Patriarchy“. It is no coincidence, for example, that colonialism and queerphobia are linked; attempts were made to eradicate queerness from peoples who were exploited. 

    Specifically, on Labour Day, it is also worth considering the links between classism and sexual and gender freedom: our self-determination is restricted by social injustice. By the differing concerns and burdens between those who work and those who merely make others work. Between those who rent and those who let. Between those in debt and those who own property. Between those who are forced to allow themselves to be exploited and those who exploit. Those who are talked about and those who do the talking. Those who are always forced to listen and those who are allowed to teach. Those who are the subject of research and those who conduct research. Those for whom their own name brings nothing but disadvantages and those who bear a title in their name. Very few people can clearly place themselves on one side or the other; it is a matter of fluid transitions and simultaneous realities. What is important is to make these polarities visible in the first place and to consider how they influence the way we interact with one another.

    Illustrative image accompanying the article on oppression, queer self-determination, classism, racism and social injustice.
    Together against oppression: Queer self-determination requires social justice | Photo/Source: Canva

    Money for everyone rather than careers for a select few

    Queer representation gets us nowhere where exploitation takes place. The cuts to many diversity programmes at large companies should serve as a wake-up call that superficial lip service does not change structures. It was never about sharing power, but about having a gay best friend in a self-sacrificing supporting role for the rich and powerful. At the same time, there is now supposedly no more money for support services, for culture, or for social institutions. Queer young people in particular, who are seeking guidance, but also all queers in precarious employment, are being let down.

    For some of us, the past few decades have opened up fantastic career opportunities, whilst the rest have had to watch as their own problems have worsened. Prices have risen in bars, clubs and cafés, and free – or at least non-profit-driven – meeting places have been cut back. The „community“ has no clout if it is merely a loose coalition of disparate individual interests, if it is driven solely by personal pleasure or even the pursuit of profit. It can stand up strongly for its interests when it unites against its oppressors.

    This is nothing new; discussions about conformity or resistance have always been part of the debates within LGBTI* movements. The question of the movement’s relationship with the government and the system is also viewed in different ways: Time and again, the focus has been, on the one hand, on the struggle against the state and its violence (Stonewall as an uprising against police measures, the repeal of Section 175 of the German Criminal Code and the Transgender Act) and, on the other hand, on the recognition of the state and its institutions (marriage for all, tougher penalties for hate crimes, LGBTI* people in the military and the police).

    Risks of poverty and diversionary tactics

    Anyone who follows one or two trans people online will often notice that fundraising campaigns are repeatedly being organised to cover the costs of urgently needed operations. When individual cases occur frequently, there is a system at play. Differences in financial resources mean that not everyone is able to cover the costs of their own surgery. Transitioning can become a poverty trap; there are also costs involved in obtaining new documents, co-payments for medication, and job loss due to discrimination. What does it mean for trans people to have to navigate so many visits to government offices and doctors, and to overcome so much red tape, that they are left with hardly any time to pursue career goals or focus on their education?

    If the only political demand that remains is simply acceptance – the plea to be allowed to stand on the winning side too – then we will miss the chance to create a fairer world in which everyone can be better off. So: join forces, help one another, break down inequalities of opportunity, create access, and question power structures and the significance of wealth and social background.

    Meanwhile, no one must fall for diversionary tactics: racist policies targeting refugees and migrants fuel violence. Security can only exist in a world where the gap between rich and poor is narrow. A world that invests in education and a good life for all, that extends trust rather than sowing mistrust. Authoritarian states claim that, with harsh punishments, sanctions and deportations, our patience with those who harm our society has run out. But who is really harming this society? Who can sit back and relax whilst we’re at each other’s throats? For whom do special rules apply? A female gender marker in a passport is supposedly meant to ensure that laws punishing harassment or sexualised violence no longer apply. This transphobic claim distracts from the fact that there is, in fact, a group of people who are almost never held to account for their crimes and their abusive behaviour: billionaires.

  • Trans, power and hope - The last stand of the old white bisexuals

    Trans, power and hope - The last stand of the old white bisexuals

    I come from a time when we trans activists were not wanted. On the contrary: we had to push hard to get our foot in the door to be allowed to play. Let alone being paid for our work - the resources weren't meant for us. The level of insults and violence we had to endure instead of support is unimaginable. Our history and contributions to the queer community have been erased time and time again - especially those of trans* people of Colour-activists.

    The current situation for trans* people - and why ignorance is dangerous

    TransPerson defies the waves of resistance
    Standing firm against trans* hostility and discrimination - Image: Noah Elio Weinmann - https://noah-elio.com/

    The current situation for trans*people is dramatic. Anyone who still believes that the USA is far away and that this doesn't happen here in Europe is providing the exact reason for the increasing trans* hostility: ignorance - or, to put it euphemistically, a good ability to demarcate ourselves. I've been a trans* activist for 22 years. That means I've been working for a very long time to make the queer community internationally more trans*-inclusive. To this end, we have organised countless talks, workshops and events - in addition to countless tiring one-to-one conversations with cis people, including heated discussions and unpleasant, sometimes violent confrontations. These were supposedly about differences of opinion, but in reality were simply about discrimination - which has nothing to do with freedom of expression. That's the point.

    At this point, I have to make a small digression.

    Where does trans* hostility come from?

    Here we are characterised by Christian ideology with the two-gender society of men and women, in which women are oppressed and disadvantaged. This is deeply ingrained in us. Everything is done to maintain this system. This has given rise to a collective feeling that the lives of trans*people and other marginalised groups are worth less - based on biology, natural law and religion. It is important to understand: No one can simply opt out of this. Saying "I am a feministin" is not enough. The only option is to become aware of your own trans* hostility and actively work on it. This is a process, a life decision that only a few people make because it hurts to deal with guilt, oppression, privilege and shame. It is easier not to close the empathy gap towards trans* people and other marginalised people.

    Discrimination in queer spaces - when trans* people are excluded

    In the queer community, the white cis lesbians and gays represent the dominant society. Trans* hostility is rooted in misogyny, because the core and the two pillars of masculinity are the defence of the female and the defence of the homosexual - nothing threatens masculinity more. In addition to this ideology, the Nazis tightened Paragraph 175, and even afterwards, in the early days of the Federal Republic, it was catastrophic for homosexual people - it was actually life-threatening for men to be feminine, and the desire for the "non-masculine" could not be lived.

    Added to this is the enormous dominance of the biological, the body. This goes so far that, for example, the genitalia of trans* people are often cited as a reason for exclusion - and we are forced to ostracise ourselves. Some people feel triggered by the genitals of trans* people, and it is not uncommon for abuse trauma to be projected onto us. There is also emotional blackmail by partners not to transition medically or not to have (genital) surgery. That is violence. This also includes the tiresome discussion about alleged preferences.

    Trans* inclusion: a task for cis people

    At the moment, a lot of energy is being expended - as we are now seeing in the USA, for example - to restore the old system. In the process, enormous violence is being used against trans*people and our successes are being destroyed. I can feel how some people are now almost relieved to join in - now that it's becoming more legitimate to be trans-hostile again, so to speak. The pressure is finally easing for them. The last few years must have been exhausting for them if, for example, people wanted to use a certain pronoun for themselves, many pronouns or none at all. But what exactly was so exhausting?

    I was often invited to discuss the question of how to make the community more trans*-inclusive. I did that for years. Today I'm no longer sure if that was the right approach. I am a trans* person - I don't know what cis people need to become more trans* inclusive. That's a task that we cis people would have to set ourselves. So perhaps it would have made more sense to have them write this article - who could, for a change, be very honest about why they have found it so difficult to become more inclusive all these years.

    What is happening in the USA is frightening and hits trans* people particularly hard. For me as a trans* person of Colour with family in Mexico, near the border to the USA, it is also hurtful to see how the community here cries out when suddenly also white trans*people are affected. Where was the outcry when we tried to draw attention to the situation in Honduras, for example, where trans women were shot dead on the street? To name just one example. Trans*people of Colour have always been exposed to great brutality - even in Europe. This is nothing new at all.

    Intersectionality and trans* hostility - understanding the empathy gap

    At this point, I would like to mention intersectionality - a word that has been used so excessively in recent years that it has almost become a cliché for me. If you only hear things often enough, we tend to overhear them - it starts to get annoying. I think I annoyed people terribly too - I was always criticising. How exhausting. However, the enormous ability to differentiate from it is exactly the problem.

    If we begin to understand that this empathy gap is the result of colonialism and - in our area - Christianity, would there be a way to overcome it?

    In my many years of working with cis gay men, I have learnt a lot. There is a big offer from them to assimilate us - tempting for many trans* people. For me, it always felt a bit like a secret society with lots of rules and stereotypical ideas that have to be adhered to. It's exciting, thrilling - it can also be really beautiful. If I stick to the rules, if I fulfil stereotypes, I'm allowed to play along. It's a big challenge even for gay cis men. I've met many who were under a lot of pressure to fulfil it. These are men who could benefit from our trans* activism - it can be empowering and liberating for everyone.

    Passing, pressure to conform and the path to trans* empowerment

    Some people are now adorning themselves with our trans star - but I only think that's okay if it goes hand in hand with reducing trans* hostility.

    For a long time, our trans* activism was characterised by the desire to fit in. We did everything we could to fit in - not to stand out as trans. For a long time, this was essential for survival, because the marginalisation and violence without passing was huge. Unfortunately, the wish that passing would spare us injuries never materialised. At the latest when it came to sexuality or romantic relationships, there was a (forced) outing - and then the supposed privilege of passing collapsed.

    At this point, it's very easy to get hurt - even to the point of very violent experiences if the other person feels betrayed, disappointed or simply spontaneously loses interest from 100 to 0. Ouch - it was just so nice.

    Self-determined trans*being

    But now we've moved on. Not all of us want to fit in - and we no longer want to hide. It's no longer our goal to come as close as possible to the cis role model. We are empowered. That's why it's not a compliment when people say to me after sex: "I didn't notice any difference." That wasn't my goal!

    Of course, there are also beautiful experiences. However, allowing these to happen requires the trans* person to have the courage to expose themselves to the potential risk of injury. That's a big challenge - and many trans* people don't have the strength for it. To this day, I hardly see any serious activities by cis gay spaces to welcome us trans* people more warmly.

    In fact, the topic of invitation policy is so big that I could write a whole article about it. But believe me when I tell you: for us trans* people, it's usually not a good fit. Injuries are often pre-programmed. Thinking: "Well, it's just not right for everyone" is lazy. Because for the one person for whom it doesn't fit, it constantly doesn't fit - and is a constant hurt to the point of capitulation: "Well, then I won't go to the community anymore." Problem solved - at least for cis people.

    When safe spaces exclude trans* and BIPoC

    The well-being of a cis person must not be prioritised over that of a trans* person, because it is not a question of opinion, but of structural discrimination.

    From today's perspective, I would say that any attempt to create safer spaces always fails because people are judged on the basis of their appearance - too much policing. At the latest when I criticise this, I am asked to find a solution - after all, this is a safe space for certain people. As if I could now solve the problem of trans* hostility and racism.

    And this has been calmly accepted in the community for years. As long as trans* people, especially of ColourIf trans* people are thrown under the bus like this to protect their own privileges, we should not be surprised that trans* hostility is on the rise.

    It's not the President of the USA who hurts me - I don't expect anything from him. Nor is it the white gay cis man and the lesbian cis woman whose support I have been fighting for over 20 years.

    What cis people can learn from trans* people

    And if cis people weren't so convinced of their inherent power - if they were doing their job - they might realise that they could learn so much from us trans* people. How much we would enrich their lives. How wonderful it can be with us.

    All these missed opportunities over so many decades - what a shame.

    I know that we have some very bad years ahead of us. Trans* hostility will still reach very painful peaks. But there is a part of me that has to believe that this is the last gasp of a long outdated system - which must be doomed.

    The fact that this rebellion, especially from old white cis men in politics is more of a logical consequence - after all, they were the ones who have been massively criticised by us in recent years. It's amazing to see how badly they've been hit - they lost their cool!

    Unfortunately, I felt the same way with many lesbian and gay cis people who fought so hard. Against change - so as not to go under with the old battles they once fought. Somehow they wanted to remain the dominant ones in the queer community - and not share anything.

    I'm sorry - you still have to make way now. Because no matter how much pressure is built up against us again, how much violence we still have to experience: It will not extinguish us.

  • " Sweat, body hair and testosterone - photo project about a trans man "

    " Sweat, body hair and testosterone - photo project about a trans man "

    A trans man in focus - how "SO WHAT?!" came about

    Two sexually charged boxers approach each other.
    Photo: Marc Matin

    What I liked about Jonah was his way of smiling, despite all the surrounding hatred and the malodorous undertones we are currently experiencing. His zest for life, his sexy-bad-boy attitude are, in my opinion, the most beautiful defence against trans-hostility: Jona feels comfortable in his own skin. How exciting is that! When he plays the macho guy in front of the camera, it's a way of deconstructing classic masculinity. I accompanied Jona for two years - to the boxing gym where he trains and, of course, to the changing room. The latter is one of my favourite places to dispel clichés. I also photographed Jona in his private sphere. This book is not a biography of Jonah, but rather a collection of stages in his life that we staged together. We even chose the kangaroo briefs he wears in some of the pictures together.

    Boxing, body awareness and self-confidence as a trans man

    Trans man Jona James with bare upper body, embraced by another man - photo project "SO WHAT?!" by Marc Martin.
    Portrait of the trans man Jona James in an intimate shot - Photo: Marc Martin

    What I really like about martial arts, apart from the physical skills and the self-confidence you gain, is the ritualistic character. Of course, I have my problems with classic queer authorities. Nevertheless, I like the idea of a hierarchy that is ideally completely independent of gender, race or age and the basic agreement that everyone respects each other. Those who have more strength and experience have to orientate themselves towards those who have not been around as long and respect their limits. My first dojo was in Bremen, where I trained as Jona and as him. But my physical transition came much later. I was never questioned in the dojo. It was all about learning together. What martial arts, and boxing in particular, gives me has little to do with gender. I don't experience my masculinity in the ring, but rather my ambition, my affinity for sport and, of course, my quirky idea of a perfect body - but more in terms of strength, speed, muscles, stamina and skills. Counter question: Why do many men have problems being physically close to other men - unless they are half naked, sweaty and slapping each other on the nose? Tenderness, closeness and a certain homoeroticism. That's what boxing is all about, isn't it?

    Reactions to the visibility of a trans man in photography

    On Instagram, the majority of my followers are men who love men. In other words: Men who have a penis. Unfortunately, some of my followers are obviously not ready to accept a pluralistic masculinity. Some comments coming from gay men sound like those of the most radical conservatives. When I started posting pictures of Jonah and got negative reactions, I felt it was a kind of betrayal. An injustice. So the theme of " SO WHAT?!" became both political and erotic. My approach here is the same as that of my other works about masculinity. So in "SO WHAT?!" there is sweat, body hair and testosterone. And Jona is proud of the fact that even the most stubborn of men get their knickers in a twist when they look at his pictures. His post-mastectomy scars are also a symbol of his journey as a man.

    What trans masculinity means - perspectives of a trans man

    Trans man Jona James lies in an intimate embrace with another man - photo project "SO WHAT?!" by Marc Martin.
    Intimate scene with trans man Jona James - Photo: Marc Martin

    Jonah : I think it is very important that the deconstruction of masculinity is not only reserved for cis men. Just as feminism aims to liberate all genders, the idea of a new, freer masculinity must be open to all people. Maybe it starts with professional footballers who wear nail varnish. But what about trans men who are denied their trans status in psychological assessments because they like to wear make-up and don't conform to a rigid binary cis masculinity? I think Marc's work is wonderful and I see it as being in a constant state of change or process, growing through the new perspectives that the models bring with them. It seemed to me that trans masculinity was a blind spot for him. What happens when masculinity is not deconstructed but constructed from the ground up? When the certainty of being a man is not based on physicality and at the same time tries not to fall into the role cliché trap? I wanted to explore this perspective and make the results visible.

    Marc : I don't believe that being masculine and muscular is necessarily toxic. And I don't think it's unhealthy to be attracted to masculine attributes. For me, it's problematic when being "masculine" makes you feel superior to others. Even within the community: that's the problem. That's what I want to fight with my work at all costs.

    Exhibition success - when a trans man is visibly celebrated

    Jonah : We've never had so many reactions to an exhibition at Eisenherz, as my colleagues have confirmed. We got people talking and encouraged them to ask questions, which made me very happy. In general, the feedback ranged from "thank you so much for your openness and for taking people by the hand and inviting them in" to "it's so great to see yourself represented and to be shown a possible perspective on trans (masculine) life, it's encouraging!" Eisenherz always has a monthly bestseller list and in November our book was at the top with over 65 copies sold. That's a great feeling and also serves as a sign: trans men have a place alongside cis gay men, are in demand and are valued.

    The aim of "SO WHAT?!" - What a trans man and a photographer want to achieve

    Trans man Jona James is lifted up in the boxing ring by Mathis Chevalier - photo project "SO WHAT?!" by Marc Martin.
    Trans man Jona James in the boxing ring - Photo: Marc Martin

    " SO WHAT?!" is intended to be uncomfortable, both through its poetic and its frontal, sexual aspect. I want this mixture of text and photography to make people think and reflect on their own fears and prejudices. And that the book brings trans and cis people together so that we can stand up together against intolerance and stupidity. I worked a lot with Mathis Chevalier, a former MMA champion, a sport that is not known for being squeamish about openness. I photographed Mathis and Jona together because of their shared passion for martial arts. When Mathis carries Jona in the ring, it's like a victory that they both flaunt. Their sexually charged attitude blows up the picture. As a photographer, I am still convinced that beautiful pictures can also change people's minds.


    " SO WHAT ?! "Marc Martin & Jona James, Agua, 68 pages, 35 euros

    The book is available in the Berlin bookshop Eisenherzand on the website of the Agua publishing house available.

    Transparency note: Annabelle Georgen wrote the foreword to the book

  • Against self-determination: gender and sexual diversity from the right

    Against self-determination: gender and sexual diversity from the right

    Image: Noah Elio Weinmann - https://noah-elio.com/

     

    Editor's note: This article was written by cultural anthropologist Patrick Wielowiejski from his academic perspective. Wielowiejski has specifically analysed the AfD as part of his research. It is important for us to emphasise that many of the ideologies and positions described here are not limited to the AfD, but can also be found in other parts of society, which is why we have decided to publish them for discussion in our community.

    This article is a second publication that was kindly made available to us by Geschichte der Gegenwart. We would like to thank them for this. Source/first publication: https://geschichtedergegenwart.ch/wider-die-selbstbestimmung-geschlechtliche-und-sexuelle-vielfalt-von-rechts/

     


     

    According to the AfD, self-determination is actually a good thing. In the Lead Motion for their programme for the Bundestag elections, it states, among other things, that people with disabilities should be able to lead "as self-determined a life as possible"; a "state-generated pressure to vaccinate" is countered with "the right of citizens to self-determination over their physical integrity, which is enshrined in the German Basic Law"; and the demanded tightening of asylum and migration policy is also justified with this concept: "An existential question such as immigration must be decided in free self-determination at national level."

    When it comes to gender identity, however, self-determination is a thing of the past for the AfD. It wants to repeal the "Law on self-determination with regard to gender registration" introduced by the traffic light coalition, which came into force on 1 November 2024. This law makes it easier for trans, inter and non-binary people to change their marital status and first name. In its definition of gender, it is not based on supposed biological facts, but on self-perceived gender identity. In contrast, the AfD demands: "The reality of bisexuality must be recognised again[.]" This expresses the AfD's anti-liberalism, as the idea of sexual and gender self-determination presupposes that the subject has a certain degree of freedom in relation to their own identity.

    However, this does not mean that lesbians, gays, bisexuals and trans people are excluded from the AfD as such, which is often perceived as a contradiction by the public. In fact, the AfD mainly integrates homosexuals, especially gay men, into its ranks and right-wing trans people also organise themselves in the AfD. As long as they recognise the "reality of bisexuality" and thus reject queer views of gender and sexuality, LGBT people are tolerated by the AfD. How is this to be understood?

    Between homonationalism and anti-liberalism

    In ethnographic research between 2017 and 2019, I followed the connection between right-wing populism and homosexuality (Right-wing populism and homosexuality. An ethnography of enmity, Campus 2024, Open Access). I was interested in the ways in which the AfD refers to homosexuality today. The central protagonists of this political field are the "Alternative Homosexuals" (AHO) - a handful of gay AfD politicians whose aim is both to have an impact within the party and to convey to the outside world that being right-wing and gay at the same time is not mutually exclusive. Historically, this is nothing new - prominent right-wing homosexual men include the SA leader Ernst Röhm and the neo-Nazi Michael Kühnen. But while they were fought against from within their own ranks, members of the AHO are largely accepted in the AfD. At the time of my field research, it was even said that a prominent Berlin AfD politician claimed that he had never had to deal with as many homosexuals in his professional life as in the AfD.

    "As a result, we are not primarily dealing with homophobia or trans-hostility (even if these have by no means disappeared completely), but above all with queer hostility."

    One obvious reason for this shift is that support for liberal LGBT rights has become a badge of modernity par excellence and the moral flagship of the West. The US-American gender and queer theorist Jasbir Puar has labelled this situation "homonationalism" in her book Terrorist Assemblages called. Referring positively to the rights of gender and sexual minorities and claiming that they are endangered by an "Islamisation" of Europe is therefore simply strategically clever for the AfD - it is a rhetorical modernisation analogous to the dédiabolisation of the then French Front National (now Rassemblement National) by Marine Le Pen. The Islamophobic slogan "I have no desire to repeat the emancipation of women and gays", which the Dutch right-wing populist Pim Fortuyn formulated in the early 2000s, is now part of everyday right-wing thinking. With regard to the rights of trans people, a similar argument can be made, which political scientist Judith Goetz calls "Transchauvinism" labelled.

    However, not everyone in the AfD and certainly not everyone on the far right can relate to "liberal Western values". Some do not see Islam as the greatest threat of the present day, but rather liberalism and US hegemony - such as the former history teacher and journalist Karlheinz Weißmann. LGBT people who make an issue of their "abnormality" (in the words of several of the people I spoke to) are still suspected of decadence. Anyone who speaks of emancipation assumes that unequal power relations can be changed - and this assumption is considered threatening by the far right. On the other hand, the ethnosexist figure of the patriarchal and homophobic Muslim man from the Middle East does indeed evoke a sense of decadence among some right-wing men. Fascination and admiration out.

    This is why the LGBT right-wing populists of today present themselves as enemies not only of Islam, but also as enemies of the left. During an event organised by the AHO in Essen in June 2018, Matthias "the friendly face of the NS" Helferich, in which he said the following, among other things:

    "When it comes to homosexuality, the concept of normality is always a point of contention. Do you know what I think? I think the Alternative Homosexual Organisation is terribly normal when I look at the left in this country. Because what belongs to normality is that you love your homeland and that you have a positive connection to your homeland and to your patriotic self. And I would much rather live in the normality of the alternative homosexual organisation than in the normality that is currently entering our country, in the normality of polygamous marriages, child marriages and forced marriages."

    Right-wing homosexuals are therefore at least more "normal" than "the left in the country". For someone like Helferich, they should therefore be taken seriously as allies, at least strategically.

    Essentialism instead of emancipation

    A central element in the right-wing cultural struggle against the imagined left-wing hegemony is the fight against "gender ideology". The "exaggeration" of LGBT people and their concerns is part of this ideology in the eyes of the far right. LGBT people within the AfD must not only credibly demonstrate that they have nothing to do with this, but also refute the supposed assumptions of "gender ideology" in their arguments and performances. Accordingly, the guiding principle of their political action cannot be gender and sexual self-determination, but rather the orientation towards an essentialist understanding of gender and sexuality. A clear commitment to this is the inescapable condition for the integration of LGBT people into external rights and for their normalisation. As the aforementioned lead motion for the programme for the Bundestag elections states: "Femininity and masculinity [...] with their different potentials are something positive. This means that women and men can complement each other perfectly", then the LGBTs in the AfD must make it unmistakably clear that they see it the same way. In other words, they must be the biggest anti-genderists of all precisely because they are suspected of gender bias due to their gender or sexual identity.

    For gay men, for example, this means that they have to affirm that they are unquestionably male. One of my dialogue partners - an AfD member of parliament, whom I'll call Andreas - once described it like this: "Loving a man as a man is a double decision for being male." Or in the words of Björn Höcke (in conversation with the artist and journalist Sebastian Hennig in the book Never in the same river twice): "There are quite a number of gay men who are more solidified in their masculinity than many 'straight' men - even in politics." As the aim of "gender ideology" is to equalise and ultimately abolish the sexes, the "alternative homosexuals" see their identity as gay men as a result. endangered.

    These are arguments that were already shared by some parts of the homosexual emancipation movement at the beginning of the 20th century. Around 1900, for example, writer Adolf Brand's "Gemeinschaft der Eigenen" (community of one's own) was of the opinion that male homosexuality was a superior form of masculinity. It thus took a stand against Magnus Hirschfeld's theory of sexual intermediates and the idea of homosexuals as the "third sex". AfD member of the state parliament Andreas suggested I read Hans Blüher's The role of eroticism in male society from 1917, which was one of his sources of inspiration. Blüher was known as an anti-Semitic and anti-feminist writer and an early member of the German Wandervogel movement. He was of the opinion that the state and society were held together by masculine Eros - that is, the homoerotic male bond. However, the fact that Andreas himself did not conform to the image of the gay male hero and liked to flirt with a certain kind of behaviour towards me also points to the contradiction between political rhetoric and lived reality - not to mention the performativity of gender in the far right as well.

    Gay antigenderism must therefore show that homosexuality has nothing to do with transgressing gender boundaries. While masculinity is even confirmed here, right-wing trans people have to argue differently, because for them the gender assigned at birth and the self-perceived gender fall apart. In her book, the social worker and gender researcher Katrin Degen Flexible normality biologistic, religious and pragmatic strategies that right-wing trans people use to argue that their own existence is compatible with a right-wing world view. For example, a woman who identifies as transsexual writes on the blog of the gay Catholic theologian and right-wing publicist David Berger that the only binary form of transsexuality exists in the world. "Brain gender" is "sometimes the opposite of genetic gender". It is therefore crucial for these actors to understand their own transgender identity in such a way that it confirms rather than refutes the gender binary: Even if it is a "Brain and genetics falling apart" gender identity is determined by biology and cannot be changed. Andreas described it like this: "It is precisely this knowledge that you are a woman in a male body or vice versa that proves that there are only these two genders."

    Queer-hostile LGBTs - or would you prefer self-determination?

    Gender and sexuality have always been central to the politics of the far right. In the anti-liberal culture war that the right currently invokes, this is expressed in such a way that an essentialist understanding of gender and sexuality is positioned against an emancipatory or constructivist one. The idea of self-determination is rejected as a left-wing fantasy of omnipotence. As a result, we are not primarily dealing with homophobia or transphobia (even if these have by no means disappeared completely), but above all with queerphobia. This means that some parts of the so-called community can be integrated into the historical bloc of the right - namely those who affirm the phantasm of a natural, stable, unambiguous identity. Or, in short, the least queer of them.

    However, the right-wing alliances and their consensus remain contradictory and fragile. On the one hand, the AfD associates the integration of gender and sexual minorities with the hope of becoming more compatible with society as a whole. On the other hand, it is hard work for right-wing homosexuals and trans people to plausibilise both within the AfD and to the outside world why they fit in well with the right-wing camp. Above all, it is questionable whether the arguments put forward can convince LGBT people across the board. Perhaps self-determination is the more attractive political proposition after all.

  • Safe(r) Spaces? for queer life

    Safe(r) Spaces? for queer life

    Illustration: Sofía Peláez

    Safe or safer spaces?

    The term "safe spaces" refers to mostly physical places that are free from prejudice and any form of discrimination. Historically, the emergence of this concept in the 1960s is directly linked to the history of feminism (more specifically, its second wave) and the history of lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans* people. Nowadays, the term is also used to describe spaces in which other forms of disadvantage or degradation such as racism or ableism should have no place.

    However, the promise of safety inherent in this word is illusory. Neither in the past nor in the present have there been spaces that were absolutely safe for their users or free from certain mechanisms of exclusion or stereotyping. For this reason, the term "safer spaces" is used today to emphasise the recognition of this fact and the active efforts to counteract persistent forms of discrimination. Both historical and current debates about queer safe spaces in Germany and possible solutions to these problems are listed below.

     

    "Sometimes you think hell has given all the inmates a holiday": Controversial rooms in the Weimar Republic

    Even though the first queer pubs and parties already existed at the end of the nineteenth century Karl Heinrich Ulrichs reported on so-called "Urningsbällen" or later "Transvestitenbällen" as early as the 1860s - they experienced a real boom during the Weimar Republic in the course of democratisation. After all, the "Golden Twenties" went down in history with their colourful, exuberant parties and famous permissiveness. The successful television series Babylon Berlin as well as Hollywood classics such as Cabaret bear witness to the immortal myth of the "Happy Twenties".

    But the reality was not necessarily so colourful, not only because of the continued existence of some criminal laws such as Paragraph 175 or Paragraph 183, which mainly affected trans* people. In many German cities, meeting places for queer people were temporarily monitored by the police, and raids were not uncommon. The spectre of the police withdrawing alcohol licences was another means of exerting pressure. On the other hand, dangerous blackmailers and criminals crept into many of the relevant pubs as guests.

    Moreover, even 100 years ago, several fashionable establishments that were known as meeting places for queer people - including the legendary Eldorado - were also frequented by non-queer curiosity seekers and tourists. We know that the regular clientele criticised this from Friedrich Radszuweit, the chairman of the Bund für Menschenrecht, who wrote an article about it in 1927. Women's rooms were also frequented by heterosexual voyeurs, which prompted quite a few women to stop visiting them. Berlin's (and other major cities') fame as a modern cesspool of sin thus became a curse because queer people no longer felt comfortable in some of its spaces.

    Photo of the outside wall of the Eldorado, a queer nightclub in 1920s Berlin. You can see two people in the clothing of the opposite sex. Under the lettering "Eldorado" it says "This is the place to be!"
    The Eldorado, one of the best-known queer bars in Weimar Berlin, 1932. Here, the queer clientele met non-queer curious people, which sometimes resulted in an exodus of regular customers. Source: Federal Archive, Image 183-1983-0121-500 / CC-BY-SA 3.0, CC BY-SA 3.0 de, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=5342126

    However, mechanisms of exclusion were also present from time to time within our own ranks. Access to queer club and party life was primarily denied to the unemployed, sex workers and people who stood out due to their unconventional gender expression, for example "effeminate" men, who were already referred to as "aunties" at the time. Respectability, i.e. the attempt to be accepted by mainstream society through heteronormative behaviour, was the highest ideal, which also led to fierce disputes within the movement.

    An anonymous author from Breslau wrote in 1921 with regard to the queer scene there that "people danced and raved like mad in the pubs" and "mean jokes were cracked", so that "sometimes you think hell has given all the inmates a holiday". As late as 1929, a reader of the magazine "Die Freundin" who lived in Duisburg cited the presence of bisexual women in the lesbian pubs in the region as the main reason why they had to close sooner or later. Biphobia was therefore already a problem in the scene back then.

     

    Between repression and legalisation: German division

    Contrary to popular belief, meeting places for queer people were not only affected by police surveillance and raids in the GDR, but initially also in West Germany. Despite the repression, a small scene with relevant venues was able to develop in several cities and some that had to close their doors during the Nazi era were able to resume operations.

    The liberalisation of criminal law provisions for homosexual acts in 1968/1969 in both German states and the rise of the West German lesbian and gay movement represented an important turning point. Throughout West Germany, more and more spaces for queer people sprang up - pubs, clubs, cafés, bookshops, self-help groups, men's saunas, etc. - and there were fewer of these in the GDR. There were fewer of these in the GDR: until reunification, they were targeted by the state, which is why East German homosexuals, bisexuals and trans* people met more often than in the West in private flats and houses or as part of church working groups.

    With the outbreak of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, however, this thriving culture suffered a severe setback. The associated moral panic primarily affected people, but also spaces: gay saunas in particular were demonised in the media as "HIV hotspots". As a result, many scene-goers retreated into the private sphere and the social pressure continued into the 1990s and even beyond.

     

    Safe(r) spaces since the 1990s: current challenges

    Since reunification, developments in relation to queer spaces have been predominantly positive. Their numbers have increased in many places, and the first attempts at inclusion for individual marginalised groups within the large LGBTQ+ community were made around 30 years ago. For example, the "Gayhane" party series, which still exists today, was founded in Berlin at the end of the 1990s by queer people of Turkish origin and is primarily aimed at immigrants and their descendants. The programme is constantly growing with networking opportunities, events and parties for queer people from post-Soviet countries, Latin America and Arab countries, among others.

    Poster for the Gayhane party. Two queer people with make-up can be seen. They seem to be shouting. It reads: "gayhane - house of halay"
    Poster of Gayhane, one of the most legendary queer parties for immigrants and their descendants, 2001. Source: Queer as German Folk Website, queerexhibition.org/en/queeruptions/gayhane

    However, the need for safe spaces for specific groups - which some would consider a regrettable fragmentation of the LGBTQ+ community - has concrete reasons. Queers of colour, trans*, inter* and non-binary people, refugees and migrants, neurodivergent people, people with disabilities and senior citizens also experience various forms of exclusion and stigmatisation within the community. Queer spaces are also not entirely free of sexism towards women. As banal as it may sound, people who are discriminated against can also discriminate against others, and LGBTQ+ people are not exempt from this.

    Queer spaces do not offer one hundred per cent protection from external dangers either. Attacks on LGBTQ+ people, their meeting places and centres have been on the rise for several years now. For example: last year in particular, the Gay Museum Berlin was attacked several times, five times between February and July 2023 alone. Among other things, water bombs, food, a fire extinguisher and even an air rifle were used. Only recently, the "andersROOM" and "FLENSBUNT", drop-in centres for queer people, were also opened in Siegen and Flensburghas once again become the target of an attack.

    The consequences of this state of affairs - the reproduction of -isms such as racism, trans-hostility, sexism, ableism and ageism in the community, the lack of safe spaces and the increasing violence against them - are manifold. On the one hand, it leads to those affected withdrawing more and more into the private sphere. This naturally makes the essential work of empowerment and prevention campaigns in the field of sexual health more difficult, as many are less confident about making use of the available services.

     

    What needs to be done?

    The state must be held much more accountable for attacks on queer people and spaces. Initial symbolic gestures such as the first commemoration of queer victims of National Socialism in the German Bundestag on 27 January 2023 and the travelling exhibition "gefährdet leben. Queer People 1933-1945" have been done, now action must follow. As people who were discriminated against and persecuted by the state not only during the Nazi era, but also before and after, the entire LGBTQ+ community has the right to demand more security for themselves and their spaces. The state, which has discriminated against queer people in the past and often treated them very brutally, now has a special responsibility to protect them and their spaces.

    In order to actually make safer spaces safer, all -isms must (continue to) be addressed. Reflecting on one's own privileges is an important first step, but concrete action must also follow here. People from marginalised groups should be given more representation, a say and opportunities to shape things, not only in the spaces themselves, but also in leadership positions. Only in this way can their interests, concerns and perspectives be represented in the truest sense of the word and safer spaces become truly inclusive spaces that reflect social diversity.

    Cover of the recently published book "Not the First", which deals with Germany's queer history from the perspective of queers of colour. Among other things, it describes how queers of colour were (and are) excluded from queer spaces and displaced from Germany's queer history.
    Cover of the recently published book "Not the First", which deals with Germany's queer history from the perspective of queers of colour. Among other things, it describes how queers of colour were (and are) excluded from queer spaces and displaced from Germany's queer history. Source: Website of the publisher (https://www.assoziation-a.de/buch/nicht_die_ersten/)

    Barriers must be broken down so that people with disabilities can also participate in community life. Possible approaches are not only offered by queer centres and safer spaces themselves: City councils such as the city of Bielefeld are increasingly taking on responsibility and developing concrete solutions, usually in cooperation with the former. The community must also become more open to intergenerational dialogue. Queer senior citizens are more often affected by loneliness and povertyBut they have been through many struggles in their lives and have invaluable life experience that we can only learn from.

     

    Conclusion: A lesson in democracy

    Overall, more space needs to be created for dialogue in both the abstract and literal sense, where people can talk about sex, sexual orientation, gender identity and experiences of discrimination. We should not be afraid of conflict or sensitive issues. Democracy and society in general thrive on - sometimes very heated - debate, provided it is conducted respectfully and without violence. Safer spaces should therefore become places for important social debates.

    It is helpful to think of democracy as an ideal that can and should be practised down to the lowest level of society. So let us not only organise society democratically, but also our everyday interpersonal communication. This means having an open ear for other people's experiences, treating everyone with respect and being able to deal with differences of opinion openly. Safer spaces absolutely need a culture of dialogue, which must be strengthened.

     


     

    Bibliography

    • Wroclaw, F. "Police, inverts, suicides and indifferents in Wroclaw," The friendship, vol. 3, no. 26 (1921): S. 7.
    • Dobler, Jens. Police and homosexuals in the Weimar Republic: On the construction of the scapegoat. Berlin: Metropol Verlag, 2020.
    • Foit, Mathias. Queer Urbanisms in Wilhelmine and Weimar Germany: Of Towns and Villages. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2023.
    • Kenney, Moira Rachel. Mapping Gay L.A.: The Intersection of Place and Politics. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001.
    • Radszuweit, Friedrich. "The perverse Berlin,ˮ The friendship sheet, vol. 5, no. 10 (1927): S. 1-2.
    • Rottmann, Andrea. Queer Lives across the Wall: Desire and Danger in Divided Berlin, 1945-1970. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2021.
    • Schader, Heike. Virile, vamps and wild violets: sexuality, desire and eroticism in the magazines of homosexual women in Berlin in the 1920s. Königstein: Ulrike Helmer Verlag, 2004.
    • S. S. "A reply to the Rhineland girl!" The girlfriend, vol. 5, no. 23 (1929): S. 4.
    • Steinle, Karl Heinz. "Pubs, bars and clubs." In: Benno Gammerl et al. (eds.): Handbook Queer Contemporary Histories I: Spaces. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag, 2023, pp. 99-109.
    • Tammer, Teresa. "Warm Brothers" in the Cold War. The GDR gay movement and divided Germany in the 1970s and 1980s. Berlin: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2023.
    • Ulrichs, Karl Heinrich. Memnon. Leipzig: 1868, pp. 77-78.
  • From Protests to Profits: Is Pride Back at Square One?

    From Protests to Profits: Is Pride Back at Square One?

    Illustration: Harjyot Khalsa, www.harjyotkhalsa.com

    As Pride celebrations grow and proliferate, they often become sites of controversy: What is being celebrated-the diversity of the community or just the visibility of a select few? Who gets to take part in this celebration, and who is left out or sidelined? From corporate sponsorships to grassroots protests, author Ahmed Awadalla examines the ever-evolving landscape of LGBTIQ+ Pride in Germany.

    Berlin stands apart. If you ask someone in the city about attending a Pride event, they'll likely respond with another question: "Which one?" This is the essence of Berlin-a metropolis that hosts a multitude of queer marches and initiatives, each with its own distinct priorities and vision of the LGBTIQ+ experience. In a city this vast, with its diverse communities and subcultures, there's always a space where one can feel seen-or at least, it seems that way.

    Having lived in Berlin for years, I've witnessed the Pride landscape shift and evolve, with each event embodying a different interpretation of queerness. What first stood out to me during my early summers in the city was the name "Christopher Street Day" (CSD)-a direct reference to the American Stonewall Riots. These riots erupted in response to persistent police harassment following a raid on a New York bar. Although a pivotal moment in queer history, the choice felt curious, if not a little dissonant, considering Germany's deep history of advocacy for queer rights.

    Naturally, when I first arrived in Berlin, I was eager to join a queer march in the hope of finding community and connection. My first march wasn't a typical Pride event but a protest organised by Nasser Al-Ahmad, a young Lebanese man who faced brutal violence from his family after coming out. The march began outside a mosque in Neukölln to challenge the role of religious institutions in promoting homophobia. Despite Nasser's efforts to emphasise that homophobia wasn't just "a Muslim problem," media coverage framed the issue as a clash between queer and migrant communities, pitting them against each other.

    As I marched, I quickly noticed how out of place I felt in the predominantly white crowd. At one point, a woman asked me to move aside, assuming I wasn't part of the protest, likely because of my appearance. This made me question my own belonging in a space that was supposed to be about solidarity and plurality. It highlighted the uncomfortable reality that even within queer spaces, not everyone feels welcomed or understood. Different people I spoke to had their own take on what Pride means to them. For some, it feels like home, while for others, it remains a space where their struggles are made invisible.

    Between Celebration and Commercialisation

    The first German CSD took place in Berlin in 1979, inspired by American Pride events but soon adapted to local politics. What began as passionate protests for LGBTQ+ rights has, over time, turned into something much more mainstream and commercialised. Big companies and political parties now play a more significant role. This trend is part of a larger pattern called "rainbow capitalism," where businesses use LGBTQ+ symbols and slogans for profit, while urgent issues facing the community, especially those on its margins, are pushed aside.

    "Honestly, I couldn't stand it," said Mahdi, a community member who left CSD Berlin this year after just 10 minutes. "Pharma companies, banks, and internet giants-what do they have to do with our struggle?" Mahdi's frustration is palpable. For him, the sight of straight people occupying corporate floats felt like another layer of erasure. "I get that allies are important, but they need to be mindful of the space they take up," Mahdi added, reflecting a common sentiment among those who feel mainstream Pride has lost its way.

    But not everyone shares this sense of alienation. "For me, my reasons for going to CSD are two-fold," said Cameron, a regular CSD attendee. "The principles of Pride are still very worthy. It's a day where we can celebrate our LGBTQ+ identities and reflect on how we're not just tolerated but accepted and even celebrated by wider society." Cameron acknowledges the criticisms about corporate influence but admits that, for him, it doesn't overshadow the event's value. "Yes, the parade has been hijacked by corporate interests, but the party atmosphere-dancing in the rain to Spice Girls with queer folks from all over the world-is still magical. It's just fun!"

    Cameron recognises his own privilege within these spaces. "I haven't felt excluded because I fit the classic stereotype of a white gay male. I can see why others might feel less represented," he admitted. Hassan, a gay man of colour, shares Cameron's sentiment: "My birthday aligns with CSD Berlin, so my friends visit me from other cities, and we get to experience this collective joy, dressing however we want. It's a time to truly celebrate together."

    Tensions Under the Rainbow

    While some are disillusioned by Pride's shift away from its radical roots, others appreciate it as a space for self-acceptance. But this raises a fundamental question: Should Pride be about identity or action? Is it enough to reclaim our identities as a response to the shame society imposes, or should Pride be about taking meaningful steps towards change? And if so, what kind of action?

    These debates aren't new. In the 1990s, the group Gay Shame emerged in the U.S. to challenge the focus on identity and visibility over activism. They argued that simply transforming shame into pride wasn't enough without confronting systemic oppression through tangible actions like supporting trans rights and fighting against economic inequality. Their stance echoed the message: "None of us is free until all of us are free."

    In Berlin, I found a similar spirit at Alternative CSD (Kreuzberg Pride), which rejected corporate sponsorship and focused on grassroots activism, taking on issues like poverty and gentrification. But internal conflicts eventually led to its end, showing that even in activist spaces, disagreements can break down solidarity. After a hiatus, Internationalist Queer Pride emerged in 2021 with a bold political stance that demands revolutionary action to dismantle all forms of oppression. They advocate for environmental justice, decriminalising sex work, supporting indigenous and migrant rights, and abolishing border regimes

    "It's empowering to see so many diverse groups coming together for a bigger cause," says Andreas, a cis white queer man who attended this year's Internationalist Queer Pride (IQP). However, he adds, "This year's event was traumatic for many participants due to the police's excessive use of violence." For Andreas, this repression is reminiscent of the early days of queer activism, like the Stonewall riots, when police were viewed as a threat, not allies. This controversy around the police's role is also present on a global scale. For example, Pride Toronto banned police participation following concerns about police brutality and racial profiling raised by the Black Lives Matter movement.

    Dozens of arrests were reported during Internationalist Queer Pride (IQP) this year, directly linked to one of the most contentious issues in Germany: the ongoing atrocities in Palestine. Demonstrations in solidarity with Palestinian communities have frequently faced severe police crackdowns, viewed as an unprecedented restriction of free speech. Germany's stance is often framed through the concept of Reason of statewhich reflects the country's commitment to protecting Israel's security due to historical responsibility for the Holocaust. Critics argue that this has translated into unconditional support for Israeli violations of international law.

    The Dyke* March and The Persistence of Patriarchy

    The Dyke* March, which began in the 1990s to promote lesbian visibility, has since expanded to include women, trans, and non-binary individuals. Cisgender men are asked not to participate, creating a space where these voices and experiences are centered without being overshadowed. Like Kreuzberg Pride, the Dyke* March remains focused on activism and intersectionality, resisting the trend towards commercialisation. However, police violence was also reported at this year's Dyke* March, on the backdrop of Palestinian solidarity.

    Two people I talked to have been regularly attending the Dyke* March. Sarah thinks that patriarchy is still a problem within the queer community and that it manifests in how many queer spaces cater primarily to the male experience. "Yes, there are more FLINTA* spaces and events now, but it's still not enough," she said. "We need to keep pushing for real change, not just more visibility." Mar, who identifies as non-binary, also finds it important to attend: "I can be read as a cis male because of my appearance, but I think building a shared understanding shouldn't be based solely on appearance. The experiences of not feeling safe in our bodies and in public spaces are significant things we should come together based on."

    Right-Wing Return and the Full Circle

    While the tensions between police and demonstrators in Berlin may seem like a historical throwback to the early days of activism, another issue warrants serious attention. In 2024, right-wing groups in Germany have increasingly targeted Pride events, particularly in East Germany. These anti-CSD marches are part of a broader trend of rising nationalism and xenophobia in the country. Although images of neo-Nazis in places like Bautzen have generated significant concern on social media, a persistent narrative in German politics portrays homophobia, transphobia, and anti-Semitism as problems imported from elsewhere. This downplays the actual threat posed by right-wing groups that have demonstrated their presence both on the streets and within the German parliament.

    There is no better lesson than the one we are learning now: we must understand issues of xenophobia and injustices related to gender and sexuality as inseparable. With the current existential threats, Pride seems to have come full circle, and we must confront the question of what it means to gather collectively and for what purpose.

  • Homonationalism

    Homonationalism

    Why queer people vote for far-right parties

    From Ernst Röhm to Peter Thiel: even though the majority of queer people do not vote for right-wing extremists, there are always counter-examples. Why? What makes queer people vote for far-right parties or even join them? Our author Mathias Foit has its Doctoral thesis has written about this topic and provides answers here.

    Queer shift to the right? In the last 10-15 years, right-wing populism and right-wing extremism have experienced a particularly strong resurgence worldwide and have permeated many parts of society. Time and again, the media report in apparent bewilderment that LGBTQIA+ people - in theory the most cosmopolitan, tolerant group in society - are turning to far-right, nationalist parties, be it the Rassemblement National in France or the Republicans under Trump. These parties are either blatantly anti-queer or declare - more or less officially - their intention to curtail the rights of various queer groups.

    As surprising and contradictory as this phenomenon may be, it is not new in modern history. In the following article, both historical and current examples from a number of countries - particularly Germany, but also the USA, France and Poland - are cited for the intertwining of queer desire and queer politics on the one hand and nationalism and right-wing extremism on the other. It not only examines the reasons why queer people vote for far-right parties, but also what consequences this has for today's politics and what lessons can be learnt from this.

    "The warm brotherhood in the brown house": the circle around Ernst Röhm

    In the early 1930s, even before the Nazis seized power, Ernst Röhm, leader of the Sturmabteilung (SA) and one of the most important figures in the NSDAP, became the "hero" of a widespread smear campaign: he was outed as a homosexual. Rumours about his sexual "excesses" had been circulating for years beforehand, and he was also a member of the Bund für Menschenrecht (BfM), the largest national umbrella organisation of so-called "friendship clubs" in the Weimar Republic.

    Picture of Ernst Röhm in SA uniform with swastika armband around his arm. Ernst Röhm - Photo: Bundesarchiv, Bild 102-15282A / Georg Pahl / CC-BY-SA 3.0, CC BY-SA 3.0 DE , via Wikimedia Commons

    Other SA functionaries were also known to be homosexuals, such as Helmuth Brückner, the Chief President and Gauleiter of the province of Lower Silesia, as well as his deputy and the police chief of Breslau, Edmund Heines, whose "nocturnal orgies" and "wild parties with young men" were reported by the writer Walter Tausk in his diary. The Social Democratic press in particular mocked the conflict between the NSDAP's official party line on homosexuality and the open tolerance of homosexuals within its own ranks. The Munich Post spoke of a "warm brotherhood in the brown house".

    Hitler knew about the homosexuality of Röhm and his many followers. Why he tolerated them for so long, how he reconciled this with the Nazi Party's official position on "unnatural fornication" and what the main reason was for the murder of numerous party comrades at the end of June and beginning of July 1934, which has gone down in history as the "Röhm Putsch", remains the subject of historical debate. Both Röhm and Heines fell victim to the bloody purge.

    Thanks to a great deal of research, we now know that the anti-homosexual crusade conducted with such vehemence was not a minor issue, but a central component of the Nazi conservative revolution. It is therefore quite possible that the Röhm murders were in fact primarily aimed at destroying a clique of homosexuals who were perceived as dangerous and inclined to conspire against the state. On the other hand, it is also conceivable - as many historians believe - that Hitler wanted to remove what he saw as his greatest rival and his circle from the path to sole rule in the NSDAP.

    The roots of queer right-wing extremism

    There were also attempts at rapprochement with the Nazis on the part of the then active "homosexual movement" in the person of the chairman of the aforementioned League for Human Rights, Friedrich Radszuweit. In August 1931, he wrote an open - and ultimately unanswered - letter to Hitler personally, in which he called on the NSDAP leader to revise his position on homosexuality. Radszuweit also criticised the smear campaign against Röhm, although his criticism was essentially directed more at the instrumentalisation of homosexuality as a political weapon than at defending the SA leader.

    The extent to which Radszuweit's ingratiation with the Nazis is evidence of his supposed change in values or opportunism, or a desperate attempt to negotiate with the devil, is still the subject of controversy today. The fact is that by the end of the 1920s, around 30% of the BfM membership had already declared themselves to be supporters of the Nazi party. Whether Radszuweit wanted it or not, the growing support for the NSDAP, even within the BfM's own ranks, could not be overlooked.

    In general, conservatism, nationalism, right-wing populism and right-wing extremism were by no means marginal phenomena in the history of the first German "homosexual movement". Magnus Hirschfeld, who is generally celebrated as the spiritual father and unofficial leader of the movement, was one of the most vocal advocates of the First World War and published two writings (one of them with the telling title "Why do the nations hate us?") in defence of German imperialism. It was only in the later years of the war that he turned to pacifism and internationalism. Adolf Brand, chairman of the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen (GdE), which celebrated the love of men and "boys", and informal spokesman for the circle of so-called "masculinists", was a die-hard anti-feminist, anti-Semite and a relentless critic of the Weimar Republic and advocate of anti-democratic, arch-conservative politics.

    The strange paradox: rights and homonationalism

    The current entanglement between LGBTQIA+ and nationalism is often referred to as "homonationalism". This involves the instrumentalisation of homosexuality for nationalist, racist purposes and the playing off of queer groups (mostly cis-male, white gays) against the "others". Right-wing politicians, for example, try to fuel the fear of the former against the latter in order to win votes, in particular by drawing on the image of the fundamentalist, homophobic, mostly Muslim immigrant.

    This leads to an even greater balancing act than with the Nazis: today's right-wing extremists sometimes present themselves as the supposed protectors of a social group that other right-wing extremists want to see in prison and in turn blame others for the alleged sexualisation of children.

    Homonationalism "Around the World"

    There are examples of homonationalism all over the world. In 2016, the Islamophobic, "white supremacy" preaching and transphobic organisation "Gays for Trump". Back in 2005, the historian Paul Robinson wrote in his book Queer Wars described how conservatism has divided the LGBTQ+ public in the United States since the beginning of the gay liberation movement. In France and the Netherlands, the far right is also gaining support among many LGBTQIA+ people. In the 2017 presidential election, Marine Le Pen was already primarily in favour of white, cis-male homosexuals. a reasonable political alternative.

    Interestingly, the recourse to patriotism or nationalism by queer people does not necessarily have to be motivated by Islamophobia or racism. In Poland, for example, the controversy surrounding the display of the national coat of arms and the national flag against a rainbow background at some CSDs in 2018 also sparked a debate within the LGBTQIA+ community there. Many saw this as an effective political strategy for recognising membership of the national community. Others were strongly opposed to national pride due to the institutional queerphobia of the government at the time.

    The most important question: why?

    The reasons for the apparent contradiction between emancipatory endeavours and far-right, nationalist and very conservative politics naturally vary depending on the case and context.

    In the German Empire, for example, the whole of German society was strongly nationalistic and conservative, which went hand in hand with the imperial and militaristic basic orientation of the state; after all, it was European nationalism that led to the First World War.

    In the Weimar Republic, widespread national resentment, the humiliation of the lost and a longing for the old order also played a role. In addition, queer people, who were repeatedly denied their civil rights and accused of treasonous tendencies, fought to be recognised as respectable, dutiful and loyal citizens. A similar motivation - albeit in a very different, largely simpler socio-political and legal context - drives many LGBTQIA+ people in Poland today.

    Significantly, it is predominantly cisgender men who continue to form the political vanguard of right-wing extremism, right-wing populism and nationalism. This is hardly surprising, as they have always been denied masculinity and the associated qualities such as strength, determination and efficiency. Professing to be a patriot or even a nationalist often means asserting oneself as a "real" man.

    As has been shown, a common denominator of the different forms and national variations of homonationalism today is often Islamophobia. Far-right parties cynically exploit the fears of some LGBTQIA+ people to gain votes and argue against the immigration of people - including queer people who could find refuge in Germany - from Muslim-majority countries.

    And what now? Consequences for politics

    Homonationalism makes it clear that social concepts such as gender or nation(ality), which are questioned today - for good reason - still have a significance for many LGBTQIA+ people that should not be underestimated. Getting rid of these categories, which is desired by parts of society, is therefore a greater challenge than expected and requires creative approaches.

    Homonationalism also shows the importance of integrating anti-racism into queer, emancipatory politics and education. Stereotypes and prejudices against "foreigners" are also widespread in the LGBTQIA+ community. Refugees, but also queers of colour, have been particularly affected by the right-wing truck of recent years, which is why they deserve the solidarity of the entire community.

    The inconsistency and cynicism of far-right parties in dealing with homosexuality and gender diversity is obvious. What many queer people hope will be an improvement can only end as it did almost a hundred years ago - with disappointment and misery.


    More on this topic can also be found in the article "Queer Nazis" of the Siegessäule magazine.

    Bibliography

    • Bauer, Heike. "The Hirschfeld Archives: Violence, Death, and Modern Queer Culture." Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple UP, 2017.
    • Bruns, Claudia. "Politics of Eros: The Männerbund in Science, Politics and Youth Culture (1880-1934)." Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2008.
    • Foit, Mathias. "Queer Urbanisms in Wilhelmine and Weimar Germany: Of Towns and Villages." Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2023.
    • Marhoefer, Laurie. "Sex and the Weimar Republic: German Homosexual Emancipation and the Rise of the Nazis." Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2015.
    • Micheler, Stefan. "Magazines, associations and clubs of same-sex desiring people in the Weimar Republic." Stefan Micheler Homepage. August 1, 2008. www.StefanMicheler.de/zvlggbm/stm_zvlggbm.pdf.
    • Vendrell, Javier Samper. "The Seduction of Youth: Print Culture and Homosexual Rights in the Weimar Republic." Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2020.
    • Wolfert, Raimund. "On the trail of the 'inverts' in Wroclaw in the twenties and thirties." Invertito Yearbook for the History of Homosexuality 9 (2007): 93-135.
    • Zinn, Alexander. "Removed from the body of the people? Homosexual men under National Socialism." Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2018.
  • Consensus in queer spaces

    Consensus in queer spaces

    What does consensus mean in sex?

    In Germany, any sexual act without the consent of all parties involved (affirmative consent) is a punishable offence. Affirmative consent describes a situation in which all parties involved consciously, voluntarily and actively agree to a sexual act. A sexual act could include any form of physical interaction of a sexual nature, such as kissing, hugging, touching or sexual intercourse. Consent must be unambiguous - regardless of whether it is given verbally or non-verbally. It can be withdrawn at any time and requires that no force, coercion or manipulation is involved. A „yes“ to a certain action does not automatically mean consent to other actions, and prior consent does not automatically apply to future interactions. Silence or the absence of resistance does not constitute consent. Consent is only possible if all parties involved can make clear decisions. Alcohol, drugs or health impairments can limit this ability. In such cases, it is crucial to recognise whether the other person is incapable of acting.

    An important step in promoting affirmative consent was the introduction of the „Antioch College Sexual Offense Prevention Policy“ in 1991 at Antioch College in Ohio-USA. The policy responded to growing concerns about sexual assault on college campuses. Feminist movements shaped this approach. The goal was a culture of mutual respect: consent had to be active, conscious and voluntary. This policy transformed the understanding of consent, helped prevent sexual assault and created a new standard for dealing with sexual consent. This pioneering work paved the way for modern approaches in queer spaces too.

    Illustration of several people in a queer club room; "Yes? No? Maybe?" - Topic: Consensual sex.
    Consensus in queer spaces - symbolic image | illustration:
    Harjyot Khalsa

    Consensus in queer safe spaces

    Queer spaces often serve as safe places for people who experience discrimination because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Many event organisers therefore take special care to ensure that everyone involved feels physically and emotionally safe. They create clear lines of communication and respect individual boundaries. However, even within queer spaces, there are differences in how consensus is lived and implemented, which can also depend on the respective location and its circumstances.

    However, if for some reason someone behaves inappropriately without respecting the consensus of others, this should not be a reason for punishment or exclusion, but an opportunity to learn from it. In a time of constant political correction, the space for punishment should be replaced by alternative approaches that promote education and personal growth. Non-binary mediator Joris Kern has been giving workshops on sexuality and consent to people working in educational fields since 2009, trying to define consent as an attitude or culture and not just a method. Joris has written two books on consent: Sex but the right way and Consensus culture. He*she also learned about the differences in queer spaces while working in the organisation team of a sex-positive FLINTA party.

    How consensus is lived in FLINTA and gay spaces

    „It's exciting to see how the spaces and dynamics differ at gay and FLINTA parties, especially when they take place in the same venue but at different times,” says Joris. The atmosphere at FLINTA parties is often quieter. Many participants get to know each other first and talk to each other. This gradually creates a feeling of security and consent before they get physically close or go into the darkroom. In contrast, physical contact was the main focus at the gay parties.

    The participants moved around the room and were already able to make contact, often until someone explicitly said they didn't want to. „Both approaches have their opportunities and challenges. The gay scene could benefit from encouraging more communication during and before interactions, while the spontaneity and impulsivity in gay cruising spaces would be a strength that FLINTA spaces could capitalise on. It's important to create spaces that allow for both pleasure and spontaneity but also ensure that everyone involved feels comfortable and respected,” Joris continues.

    Consensus in the club: the SchwuZ example

    The legendary SchwuZ club in Berlin, which emerged from Homosexuelle Aktion Westberlin (HAW), is known for its sex-positive parties that create a safe and inclusive space for the LGBTIQ+ community. Their website clearly states: "Consensus distinguishes sex from sexualised violence, among other things.". David Degener from the awareness team there emphasises that consent is not a term that many people take for granted. He conveys the team's understanding that people have different backgrounds and experiences that influence their behaviour and their understanding of consent. A young person from a small village who came out at the age of 18 and wants to try out Berlin's kink parties may have less experience in queer spaces than someone who grew up in Berlin. These different socialisation conditions can lead to some people unconsciously acting awkwardly because they lack the necessary knowledge.

    What happens when boundaries are crossed?

    When a person tells the team about an unpleasant experience, the team initially believes them and asks what they want and need. Many of those affected do not know how to deal with the situation at first. Some assaultive experiences only become clear to them later. David gives the following example: „I was kissed and didn't actually say anything. I don't even know how to deal with it.“ The context also plays an important role. If a BPoC person is repeatedly touched by the hair without being asked, it is not just a case of assault by consent, but also racist violence. Similar situations can also arise during sexual encounters in the darkroom.

    When protection has priority

    There are cases where a person's behaviour endangers other guests. Such people are taken out of the club by the team and it is explained to them why they are being taken out. „One of my first cases was about a person who was hugging other people repeatedly and without their consent,“ David reports. „This person, who was intoxicated, would often hold people and not let them go, despite their pleas.

    One affected guest often said: ‚No, please don't touch me‘. This person was eventually expelled and wrote us an email a year after the incident.” The team does not tolerate any form of perpetrator protection but believes that people should have the chance to learn and change. When someone is expelled from the club, the person concerned receives a card with an email address. This allows the person to get in touch with the feedback team later and talk about the case in peace.

    Learning instead of just punishing

    David takes the time to do this and, together with the management, is primarily responsible for answering these emails. „It is important that there is a high level of confidentiality and that these processes are discussed. Of course, this takes a few days because I bring in all perspectives and don't want to prejudge anyone,“ he explains. The dialogue allows different perspectives to be brought in and topics such as boundaries, consumption and behaviour to be discussed. This dialogue could even lead to the person concerned being allowed back into the club after reflecting on the incident. „I don't want to swing a hammer and say: guilty or innocent, but rather enter into a dialogue and educate people,“ says David.

    Consensus accident or assault?

    Joris takes a similar view, believing that sanctions or punishments are not always the best solution and that a distinction must be made between accidents and assaults. An assault occurs when someone disregards another person's boundaries and possibly deliberately tries to overstep them. An accident, on the other hand, often occurs when both parties believe that they are acting consensually but later realise that this was not the case. This can happen due to unclear agreements or misunderstandings.

    „After a consensual accident, it's important to take responsibility and learn from it,“ explains Joris. „Together, the parties involved can discuss what they can learn from the situation and do differently in future.“ This can mean being more aware of your own limits, asking questions more often or paying more attention to the influence of alcohol and other substances. If people work through a consensual accident well, this can even strengthen trust and understanding. An assault, on the other hand, requires distance and protection for the person affected.

    Consensus is a process

    Joris emphasises that punishment for punishment's sake does not help - even if exclusion is seen as revenge. Instead, safe spaces should be created. At the same time, people who want to learn from their mistakes need support. Those who have behaved inappropriately should be given the opportunity to reflect on their own behaviour, change and understand the consequences of their actions. „While safety is the top priority, it is important to combine protection with the possibility of rehabilitation,“ adds Joris.

    Consensus as a process

    This is why Joris prefers to speak of consensus rather than consensus, as a continuous process in which something new always develops and new impulses emerge that could change things. „Between ‚yes‘ and ‚no‘ there is also a ‚maybe‘, and you can negotiate that. It's about creating the framework for experiments.“ Joris emphasises the openness in sexual encounters, whereby sometimes unexpectedly beautiful things arise when we don't strictly adhere to our ideas. This requires us to make ourselves a little vulnerable. „There is also always a beginning and a stop.

    A ‚no‘ always has to be accepted, anything else is abusive. „It doesn't matter whether the “no„ comes from another person or from myself,“ explains Joris. "Consensus often sounds like black and white: yes or no, one or zero. Consensus, on the other hand, is evolving. What I experienced as consensual five or ten years ago, I may see differently today because I have learnt more about my own needs. That doesn't mean it was wrong back then. But today I have a better understanding of what I need and how I want to interact with others."

    When consensus enables participation

    This openness is also evident in David's experiences at SchwuZ. He talks about a person in a wheelchair. She went to a darkroom for the first time and later told us how much she enjoyed the evening there. Before every interaction, others asked her if everything was OK for her. „Normally she doesn't get much attention. That evening, people asked her nicely how she was doing. „Everything went respectfully and smoothly in the darkroom too.“ It was a new, positive experience for her. Feedback like this shows how important simple questions are. A clear „yes“ or „no“ can help to create a respectful and inclusive environment.


    Frequently asked questions about consensus

    What does consent mean in sex? Why is it so important in queer spaces? And how can consent be clearly communicated? Here we answer key questions about consent, boundaries and respectful encounters.

    What does consensus mean in sex?

    Consent means that all participants consciously, voluntarily and unambiguously agree to a sexual act. This consent can be verbal or non-verbal. It is important to note that consent can be withdrawn at any time.

    Why is consensus particularly important in queer spaces?

    Queer spaces should enable protection, freedom and self-determination. Clear communication, respected boundaries and mutual respect are particularly important in places where people have experienced discrimination or marginalisation.

    Can consensus also be given non-verbally?

    Yes, consensus can also be expressed non-verbally, for example through clear body language. Nevertheless, it must be clearly recognisable that everyone involved is in agreement. Silence or a lack of resistance is not enough.

    What is the difference between a consensual accident and an assault?

    A consensual accident can occur when those involved assume that there is consensus, but later realise that boundaries were unclear or misunderstood. An assault occurs when boundaries are disregarded or deliberately crossed.

    What should I do if my boundary has been crossed?

    It is important to take your own perceptions seriously. Those affected can turn to friends, awareness teams, counselling centres or people they trust. They do not have to know immediately how they want to categorise or deal with the situation.

    How can I ask for consensus during sex?

    Asking for consent can be as simple as „Is this okay for you?“, „Do you like this?“ or „Should we continue?“ Such questions can create closeness, trust and safety - especially in sexual or sex-positive spaces.


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  • Gay. Bipolar. HIV-positive. An interview with Torsten Poggenpohl

    Gay. Bipolar. HIV-positive. An interview with Torsten Poggenpohl

    Illustration: Otávio Santiago, otaviosantiago.com

     

    Torsten Poggenpohl had to cope with two life-changing diagnoses within a short space of time. He is HIV-positive and the infection is already well advanced. And he was diagnosed with bipolar disorder. In this interview, Torsten Poggenpohl explains how he learnt to deal with this mental illness and how he got his life back on track.

    When did you realise that your mental state cannot be explained by temporary mood swings, but has deeper causes?

    Torsten: I didn't actually realise it until I was already in the closed psychiatric ward in Stuttgart. Those close to me had realised it much earlier, but I didn't give them any hints.

    I think the most difficult moment with a mental illness is gaining introspection - the ability to recognise that you are ill and need help. Probably the most important moment and this process within the illness took a while for me.

    My personal turning point was reading Sebastian Schlösser's book "Lieber Matz, Dein Papa hat 'ne Meise", in which I completely recognised myself. I was already in a psychiatric ward at the time. I knew that I had what he had. It was only afterwards that I realised what situation I was actually in and how much scorched earth I had left behind.

    What was your life like at that moment?

    From one day to the next, I was catapulted from a middle-class life to the abyss of society. I had completely dismantled my previous life and spent an insane amount of money in a manic phase.

    How did it come about?

    I had worked as an area sales manager for a luxury fragrance company, was very successful and responsible for millions in sales. I then temporarily took over another area of work from a colleague and therefore often worked 80 hours a week. This pushed me over the edge in terms of mental stress, but I didn't realise that at the time. However, it probably had the effect of triggering my genetic bipolar disorder.

    In my mania, I wanted to open an exclusive nightclub. It was a megalomaniac project that I wanted to pull off in a big way. Not only for this, but also for my other restless life, I ran up huge debts.

    Was there no one around you who tried to stop you?

    It is typical of a manic person that they always feel they are absolutely right and reject all good advice. I had previously been admitted to a psychiatric ward in Hamburg for a week when I was severely manic, but I couldn't be taught anything there. I didn't want to admit what was wrong with me. For the people around me, I was almost unstoppable in this state.

    You were diagnosed with HIV in the middle of this manic phase. Why did you get tested back then?

    I had to take out life insurance for my loans and, in turn, submit an HIV test. I hadn't expected the test to be positive. But what was worse was that my helper cell count had already dropped to 16, which meant that my immune system was already dangerously weakened and I had to be treated immediately. It really was a matter of sheer survival. I was therefore put on sick leave. My employer then terminated my contract without notice while I was on sick leave, regardless of the consequences. So I had also lost my job and therefore my income.

    Fortunately, I had legal expenses insurance and was able to file an action for unfair dismissal despite the exceptional psychological situation. With the extraordinary dismissal without notice, the employer had clearly expressed that he had no interest in working with me for even one more day, so there could be no reinstatement.

    Within a very short space of time, you were in a life-threatening situation, both mentally and physically, and at the same time you were deprived of your livelihood. You had amassed a mountain of debt and disappointed many people close to you as a result. How did you cope with it all?

    I was in a manic state during this time and was correspondingly restless and unstable. It's difficult for outsiders to understand. Luckily, I'm a pragmatic optimist who embraces life. That probably saved my life. Because this mania sucked me in and only spat me out again months later, so - thank God - there was no room for gloom, melancholy or any bad fantasies.

    Did you find the realisation that you suffer from a biopolar disorder liberating or rather frightening and disturbing?

    It was indeed a kind of liberation. From that moment on, everything became so much easier. I had really developed into a model patient with a lot of self-discipline, because I never want to suffer a relapse again. And I know that this is also in my hands. For example, from that day onwards I didn't drink a drop of alcohol because it doesn't go well with my mood-stabilising medication and can trigger the bipolar disorder.

    And how did you cope with your HIV infection? The test result came in the middle of a manic, euphoric phase.

    I belong to the safer sex generation. That means I was well informed about HIV and always used condoms. However, I have also had two high-risk contacts in my life. Once, a condom broke during sex with my first boyfriend, who wasn't completely honest. The other time I had sex with someone who meant a lot to me and whom I therefore trusted very much. In one situation, I therefore didn't pay attention to safer sex. Although I am otherwise a very rational person, I managed to completely ignore these two events and had never taken a test of my own accord. Until I had to do it for life insurance.

    Nevertheless, I took the diagnosis very seriously, even if I wasn't deadly serious. I was never hopeless, I'm too much of a life-affirming person for that. However, I initially had enormous difficulties with the treatment. As it turned out later, my medication triggered the mental illness and really fuelled this carnival of synapses in my head. At times, I was therefore advised to stop taking my HIV medication. But my helper cells had only just risen a little

    It is almost impossible for outsiders to empathise with your situation at that time: You were seriously ill physically and mentally, ruined financially and professionally and there was no light on the horizon. What was there to support you? So what was keeping you alive in the truest sense of the word?

    Bipolar disorder, like many other mental illnesses, is a marathon. But before you can even start running, you first have to know which way to go. This is an exhausting process of self-knowledge and self-reflection. I was incredibly lucky to have the support of many people around me. People who supported me stage by stage in a relay race. When one of them was exhausted, they passed on the baton.

    Why was it so important that different people shared this task?

    You can become a real puke during a mania. Many people who suffer from a biopolar disorder or other severe mental illnesses often leave a lot of scorched earth behind, which also breaks up friendships. So if anything has saved me, it's the incredible network around me. It has supported me through all phases of the illness.

    In bipolar disorder, the condition moves back and forth between two extremes. At one extreme is mania, at the other is deepest depression. In this state, even my speech centre was affected and I simply stopped speaking. That's why friends used to visit me in the clinic in pairs so that they could at least talk to each other.

    I went through some really dark times, but for over ten years now my medication has been so well adjusted that I no longer have these mood swings.

    Now, both mental illness and HIV, but also homosexuality, are still associated with stigmatisation and fears of various kinds in parts of society. Was it a problem for you to have to go through several coming-outs at once?

    My gay coming out was anything but easy. I grew up in a small town near Osnabrück and went to a private Christian grammar school there. I would never have been able to come out there. So I only came out at the age of 22 during my studies, but only to school friends and only some time later to my parents. Unfortunately, their reactions weren't great and it put a strain on our relationship for many years. Funnily enough, they reacted very differently to the two illnesses. They were only afraid that their child might die.

    Unlike when I was gay, I dealt with my illnesses very openly and proactively from the very beginning, for example in my working environment. I didn't allow myself to be stigmatised at all. My experience is that if you talk openly about your HIV infection or mental illness, you take the wind out of the sails of potential opponents. I know that not everyone can do this. As I've always been a rather extroverted person, it's certainly easier for me than for some others. In a way, I've put the whole world on notice. That certainly had something to do with my mania. But once a message like that is out there, you can't catch it.

    How did you deal with your HIV infection yourself?

    I got on quite well with it. Until my first serious date after my diagnosis. We had some really romantic weeks together, making out, sitting in the park together and evenings out at a restaurant. Then I finally dared to tell him that I was positive but also well treated. He was very confused and I was surprised at how little he knew about HIV and the treatment options. I did my best to educate him and allay his irrational fears - but to no avail. His brother, who had seen a photo of me, warned him about me because I supposedly looked ill. I was devastated after that and my self-esteem was at rock bottom. Then I found out about the Positive Encounters by chance.

    So you travelled to this nationwide conference by and with people with HIV?

    It was simply sensational for me to meet 400 people there who are all HIV-positive and were able to deal with it as a matter of course. This experience completely changed my own attitude. From then on, I put on a kind of protective shield and simply let people's stupidity about HIV bounce off me. I know that I can't necessarily change people, but I can change the way I treat them. When I meet someone new, I tell them about my illnesses right at the beginning. Either someone can deal with it and wants to learn - or not. In that case, please let them leave my life straight away. Because my time on this planet is finite and I spend it with people who are worth it, not with those who can't deal with my underlying illnesses.

    What helped you find your way back to life after your time in hospital?

    In addition to my voluntary work in the patient café, which gave me the necessary daily structure, I set up a regulars' table on a private level after my release from the psychiatric ward. There, we were able to talk about our experiences in the clinic and our time afterwards in an informal and relaxed atmosphere. If someone from outside had been watching us, they would never have realised that this fun, lively group had met at the lowest point of their lives in a psychiatric ward.

    Wouldn't that have been possible with people from your family or circle of friends?

    Not in this way. For one thing, you want to be seen as recovered and able to perform again in everyday life. On the other hand, in this very special context, we were able to share our specific experiences at eye level, such as how a particular medication works or how we deal with sleep problems.

    You have recorded your experiences in your book "einfach!ch schwul.bipolar.positiv." and talk to visitors at the readings. In your opinion, how does the gay community deal with mental illness? How much awareness is there in the scene, how openly is it talked about?

    At these events, I experience time and again how good it is for visitors that I talk about my illnesses so clearly and honestly. And this openness encourages many people to be more open about their own illnesses. It would therefore not only be good for the community, but for society as a whole, to find a better way of dealing with illness in general. This means, for example, that we allow people to be ill and also to take the time to recover.

    Why is it so important to deal with mental illness or HIV infection?

    I found it frightening when I heard that 75% of people with HIV keep their status secret. On the one hand, I can understand that. However, I also know that such a life secret can make you mentally ill. That's why it's worth fighting for people to be able to be open about their HIV infection or their mental illness, because keeping it secret adds another burden to their shoulders and makes life even harder.

    However, opening up to your own environment also harbours the risk of being stigmatised by others.

    You can only destigmatise mental illness, HIV infection or homosexuality if you show your face and tell your own story. Not all people are able to do this. That's why I raise my voice for them to some extent. I've had some difficult years behind me. But for me, everything that has happened is ultimately fine because it has made me the person I am today. I have written down my story because I want to give others courage and confidence and perhaps offer them a shortcut to a new normality.

    Thank you very much for your openness and the interview!

    More about Torsten Poggenphohl on his website www.torstenpoggenpohl.de

    His book "einfach !ch. schwul.biplar. positive." (468 pages, 19.90 euros) has been published by Book On Demand.